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EDITORIAL: Post-NRO scenario

After the withdrawal of the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) from parliament, President Asif Zardari and the federal government led by the PPP have embarked on what appears to be a series of political consultations with coalition allies as well as the opposition. Interior Minister Rehman Malik has held a meeting in Abu Dhabi with a MQM delegation from London and Pakistan. If Mr Malik’s version of the outcome of the meeting is to be believed, matters bedevilling relations between the PPP and the MQM have more or less been settled, with the possibility of the minister visiting London at some point to iron out any remaining points with the MQM chief Altaf Hussain. Mr Hussain on the other hand has been reported as clarifying his statement regarding “sacrifices” demanded of President Zardari to save the democratic system. He has said that he never demanded the resignation of the president, only the surrender of his powers under the 17th Amendment passed under Musharraf’s rule. This clarification (some are inclined to view it as a U-turn, others as a diplomatic camouflage for MQM’s continuing doubts about remaining within the coalition) will no doubt provide a breathing space to the president, who has met with various actors in the past few days for discussions on the country’s political scenario in the post-NRO environment. The president has seen estranged PPP leader Aitzaz Ahsan, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani, an ANP delegation and Punjab Governor Salmaan Taseer in quick succession. Not everything has been revealed about these sensitive talks, but what can be culled from media reports is that the president has once again not only reiterated his agreement to surrendering the excessive presidential powers Musharraf had garnered through the 17th Amendment, he wishes this to be taken up urgently.

The desire of the president for quick closure of this controversy is paralleled by the Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Reforms’ announcement that a consensus has been evolved in the committee for the abolition of the Concurrent List. According to the committee’s chairman, the PPP’s Senator Raza Rabbani, the recommendations of the committee advocate the transfer of all subjects to the provinces from the federation except foreign affairs, finance, defence, currency and communications. Thus, 26 years after the intent of the original framers of the 1973 Constitution, a consensus blow has been prepared to strengthen provincial autonomy. This will no doubt be popular with the provinces and all those parties, including the MQM, that have been wedded to the idea over many years. The committee is unwilling to be drawn on a deadline for the passing of what would be the 18th Constitutional Amendment though, thereby strengthening presidential spokesman Farhatullah Babar’s refutation of press reports that the president had told a Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists delegation that he wanted the Amendment passed before he addresses parliament at the start of the new parliamentary year in March 2010.

The fly in the ointment remains PML-N leader Nawaz Sharif, who despite reiterating his opposition to derailing democracy, insists the president must now fulfil all his broken promises and implement the Charter of Democracy. Sharif has however accepted the prime minister’s invitation to attend a briefing on the Balochistan package the government wishes to announce to allay the complaints of that hard done by province. This could be interpreted as a relatively soft corner for the prime minister on the part of Mr Sharif, but also perhaps reflective of his desire to continue engagement with the government so as not to allow the anti-democratic forces waiting in the wings any opportunity to push the country back to a contrived dispensation.

The president has revealed a pattern of reluctance to go along with popular trends (the restoration of the judiciary for example) until it becomes obvious that persisting with such a course may prove too costly to contemplate. Although he has shown adroitness in retreat in the face of overwhelming odds, repeated backtracking is weakening his political standing. Both the president and the government would be better served by wiser and wider consultation with all stakeholders in the democratic system before embarking on political initiatives. In this sense, the spate of current consultations may be a positive sign that wisdom, albeit late, has dawned and the ruling party has now a clearer understanding of the way forward if the present democratic dispensation is to survive and grow. *

SECOND EDITORIAL: Exercising freedom

During his speech to the National Assembly on Thursday, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani said that the government had no plans to curb the freedom of the media. Mr Gilani’s statement came after the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Information and Broadcasting had recommended a code of conduct be imposed on media houses. The prime minister asked the committee to review its recommendations. In a related development, the news managers of eight top Pakistani television news channels issued a code of conduct that they had formulated themselves after extensive discussions. According to their press release, the code sets guidelines for “field and live reporting, viewer exposure to extreme and disturbing visuals, dead bodies, badly injured people, accounts of the emotionally distraught as well as eyewitnesses, and real-time decisions on releasing information during war (or warlike situations) or in the case of hostage taking.”

This step by the TV channels to assess their broadcasting practices, discuss various problems and requirements and to voluntarily formulate a code of conduct can only be welcomed as it shows that the nascent electronic media in Pakistan is recognising and gradually acting on the responsibilities that come with freedom. Our media freedom is hard-won, and the only way to consolidate and protect it is to ensure that broadcasting that strays into irresponsibility does not end up providing the state with the opportunity to intervene and impose the kind of restraints and censorship that we were afflicted with for the first four decades of Pakistan’s existence. There are worrying indications that, despite the prime minister’s clarification, there are voices within the government asking for some kind of clampdown on media coverage.

Any such move would be a mistake. In the current media environment, criticism cannot be censored the way it could have been before the advent of the electronic media, especially the internet, and the government would be harming its own credibility if it goes down that path. Given that the major TV channels of Pakistan have voluntarily signed on to a code of conduct, the government needs to be patient and see how this works out in practice rather than intervene in a heavy-handed manner. *

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